Lawyers at our Mass Media defence centre handle up to 100 cases a year, defending journalists and editorial staff. Each time we take on a case, we are aware that we are not defending an individual journalist, but taking a stand for the cause of professional freedom and freedom of speech in general. Both journalists and judges are beginning to see the work of the press in a different light, belatedly realising to what extent core standards relating to freedom of speech have been laid down by the european court of Human Rights and learning to apply them. Every case of this kind changes both everyone involved in it and Russian reality itself. 'iin the last ten years our country has been unable to carry out effective investigations to bring to justice the perpetrators of more than 150 murders of journalists and other media workers. This demonstrates the failure of the system at every level: politics, law enforcement and the judiciary.' The pussy riot trial is but one example of freedom of speech being central to the case. Another was last years court victory of Oleg Orlov, movie the head of the memorial human rights group, over Chechen president Ramzan Kadyrov.
The tendency for municipal and regional publications to amalgamate into larger groups ups the level of this hidden censorship still further and reinforces government control. Only in paper the last few months several regions, including Omsk and Oryol, announced the amalgamation of their regional newspapers into state owned groups and the restructuring of existing groups. This has already been the situation for some time in Tambov, chelyabinsk and quite a few other regions. The role of the courts When journalists talk about self censorship it is usually in a different context, most often in connection with threats and violence against them or their families. Sometimes journalists ardour is cooled by lost lawsuits over something they have written, and the resulting fury of their editors, who have to pay the costs and compensation. Lost court battles lead to a vicious circle where a journalist is afraid of writing articles about anything controversia and his or her editor is afraid to print them in case they cause trouble. Being able to consult a media lawyer strengthens journalists position immensely both at the stage of writing and as they are being taken to court.
Todays censor will not normally check a text for soundness before its publication (though I have heard of it happening on occasion). Instead there are a number of effective levers (usually economic) that can be used on editors to agree a (spoken or unspoken) list of those subjects which are acceptable to cover and those which are taboo. Regional editors are compelled to play the game by these rules because with limited access to advertising revenue they often rely on external governmental cash injections. 'todays censor will not normally check a text for soundness before its publication, but there are effective levers (usually economic) that can be used on editors to agree a (spoken or unspoken) list of those subjects which are acceptable to cover and those which are. In this situation it cannot of course contain any criticism. Editors who publish critical articles or cover unacceptable subjects will pay for their rashness financially their contact can be withdrawn or not renewed for the following year. So in the interests of financial viability, newsrooms turn into local branches of the governments press department. From a legal point of view it probably doesnt fit the definition of censorship, but its influence on editorial policies is perhaps more destructive.
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Protesters gathered spontaneously in front of the Ostankino tv center in Moscow to protest against the airing of the Anatomy of Protest by state controlled ntv. The film alleged the recent protests against election fraud were fuelled by foreign money. (photo: ottenki_serogo, live journal, all rights reserved). 'The complaints council found that the film Anatomy of a protest contained marked elements of political propaganda, inconsistent with accepted ideas of the principles and norms of investigative television journalism. The complaints council agreed, finding that the film contained marked elements of political propaganda, inconsistent with accepted ideas of the principles and norms of investigative television journalism.
It warned against using 'journalism as an instrument for the achievement of personal goals, including those goals which are incompatible with the ideas of the public interest accepted in civilised journalism. They are certainly right: it is inconceivable that such a film would have been made had Russia had an independent tv sector and if the tv company that made it valued its reputation higher than its financial interests and political expediency. The mimicry of censorship Formally, censorship is banned by Article 29 best of the russian Federal Constitution and Article 1 of the russian Law on the media. In fact it is flourishing. Censors as such no longer exist, but there are still editors or Research and Information departments whose opinion on a given article must be taken into account.
As proprietor of a massive proportion of news outlets, the regime has no difficulty controlling both content and the journalists who provide it, despite the fact the censorship is outlawed by the. Regional television is no different: it is mostly funded by the state out of its regional budget, and occasionally by major regional industrialists, generally when they want to stand for public office. At no stage does the public interest come into the picture. Making tv programmes is an expensive and complex business, so there is little commissioning of regional projects, and those that do happen are government funded. Documentary film - news or propaganda? Russians like saying that he who pays the piper calls the tune.
A good example of this is the recent row over the showing on tv of the documentary, anatomy of a protest, about the opposition demonstrations after the parliamentary and presidential elections. The participants were portrayed in a very negative light and the film itself was extremely tendentious the powerful state media empire had once again trundled into action in the war of words. The film sparked massive outrage and was widely debated on the internet and social networks. In June it was referred to the public Press Complaints council, a self regulating oversight body. The complaint was lodged jointly by several organisations involved in defending freedom of speech and journalists: the foundation for the defence of Openness (Glasnost the mass Media defence centre and the russian Union of journalists. . According to the complainants, the film not only attempted to manipulate public opinion, with the aim of discrediting citizens who were actively pursuing their civil rights, but also undermined journalists professional ethics by camouflaging political propaganda as journalism.
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Public television à la russe, most Russians rarely even think about media freedom, probably because they havent tasted it for so long (and some have never known it). Sadly, the kind of writing press that in a democratic society protects public interests and holds up an paper objective mirror to events hardly exists. Russia today, either at a national or regional level. Individual journalists who try to work in the public interest and uphold the traditional standards of their profession face harsh reprisals from the Kremlin machine, which has at its disposal any number of means for suppressing freedom of speech, from energy-sapping charges of defamation and. Criminal Code on defamation, which attracts astronomical fines of up to five million roubles (many yearssalary for an average journo). 'digital tv, internet media, glossy journals in new formats Russia has all of these things, but they have very little to do with media freedom. there has been no independent tv in Russia for many years: there are channels that are not state owned, but their editorial policies are very cautious. All the six national tv channels are either fully or partly owned by the state, and the two main national radio news channels (Radio mayak and Radio rossiya) are also completely state-owned. The state owns two of the 14 main daily newspapers, and more than 60 of the 51,000 regional and local titles.
vlc media player a free and powerful multimedia player macromedia flash 8 free download for the web or simple animations. English - hindi dictionary download, english-Hindi and Hindi-English dictionary mp3 cutter free download full version. Cut and Split MP3 Audio, popular downloads. If you mention media freedom in Russia today your words will probably be met with a smile. If you are talking to an ordinary russian the smile will be sceptical; it will say, media freedom, freedom of speech? Dont be daft, theres no such thing. If you are talking to a journalist, especially a regional one working in the government or municipally owned bibliography media, the smile will be a sad one, sometimes full of bitterness - about the loss of professional ideals, the impossibility of writing and talking about issues. Digital tv, internet media, glossy journals in new formats Russia has all of these things, but they have very little to do with media freedom.
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17 Brian Solis, Are your Ears Burning: In Social report Networks, One-Th ird of Consumers Talk Brands every week, july 6, 2010. report: For Millennials, taking Action is a core value, arithi menon, october 19, 2010. 19 engagementdb: Ranking the top 100 global brands. Prepared by wetpaint/Altimeter Group, july 2009. 20 read Write mobile, bar Code Scanning Up 700 This year, sarah Perez, october 13, 2010. 23 Bloomberg Businessweek, wanted: Social Media sifters, ryan Flinn, october 21, 2010. 24 Compass Labs, compass Labs launches at TechCrunch. Disrupt Startup Battlefield, may 25, 2010.
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