29 30 Since soon after the beginning of British settlement in 1788, people of European descent have formed the majority of the population in Australia. The majority of Australians are of British English, scottish, welsh, cornish, or Manx and Irish ancestral origin (grouped together as " Anglo-celtic. Although some observers stress Australia's convict history, the vast majority of early settlers came of their own free will. 31 Far more australians are descended from assisted immigrants than essay from convicts, the majority being British and Irish. 32 About 20 of Australians are descendants of convicts. 33 Most of the first Australian settlers came from London, the midlands and the north of England, and Ireland. Settlers that arrived throughout the 19th century were from all parts of the United Kingdom and Ireland, a significant proportion of settlers came from the southwest and southeast of England, from Ireland and from Scotland.
Large-scale immigration occurred after the good first and Second World Wars, with many post-World War ii migrants coming from southern and Eastern Europe introducing a variety of elements. Immigration from the middle east, south and east Asia, pacific Islands, africa, and Latin America has also been having an impact. The predominance of the English language, the existence of a democratic system of government drawing upon the British traditions of Westminster government, parliamentarianism and constitutional monarchy, american constitutionalist and federalist traditions, Christianity as the dominant religion, and the popularity of sports originating in (or influenced. Australian culture has diverged significantly since British settlement. Australians are referred to as " Aussie " and " Antipodean ". 16 17 Australians were historically referred to as " Colonials "British" and " British subjects ". Australian identity draws on a multicultural, european and British cultural heritage. 22 Racial and ethnic groups edit see also: Demographics of Australia european edit main articles: European Australians and Anglo-celtic Australians Today, australians of English and other European descent are the majority in Australia, estimated at around 70 of the total population. Historically, european immigrants had great influence over Australian history and society, which resulted in the perception of Australia as a western country.
Prior to British settlement, australia was inhabited by various indigenous peoples Aboriginal Australians, aboriginal Tasmanians, and Torres Strait Islanders, a melanesian people. A small percentage of present-day australians descend from these peoples. The development of a separate australian identity and national character is most often linked with the period surrounding the first World War, which gave rise to the concept of the Anzac spirit. The eureka rebellion of 1854 and various events of the second World War, most notably the kokoda Track campaign, are also frequently mentioned in association with Australian identity. However, australian culture predates the federation of the australian colonies by several decades australian literature, most notably the work of the bush poets, dates from colonial times, while sporting teams representing the whole of Australia have been in existence since the 1870s. As a result of many shared linguistic, historical, cultural and geographic characteristics, australians have often identified closely with New zealanders in particular along with, to a lesser extent, other English-speaking nations. Contents overview edit main articles: Colonial Australia and Immigration to australia the majority of Australians or their ancestors immigrated within the past three centuries, with the exception of the Indigenous population and other outer lying islands who became australian through expansion of the country. Despite its multi-ethnic composition, the culture of Australia held in common by most Australians can also be referred to as mainstream Australian culture, a western culture largely derived from the traditions of British and Irish colonists, settlers, and immigrants.
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Matthew Dal Santo is a danish Research council post-doctoral fellow at the done saxo Institute, university of Copenhagen. Follow him on Twitter at @MatthewDalSant1. For other uses, see. Australians ( /əstreɪliən/ colloquially known as, aussies ( /ɒzi/ are people associated with Australia, sharing a common history, culture, and language australian English ). Present-day australians are citizens of the. Commonwealth of Australia, governed by its nationality law.
The majority of Australians descend from the peoples of the. The, colony of New south Wales was established by the, kingdom of Great Britain in 1788, with the arrival of the. First Fleet, and five other colonies were established in the early 19th century, now forming the six present-day. Many early settlements were penal colonies, and transported convicts (and, later, ex-convicts) made essay up a significant proportion of the population in most colonies. Large-scale immigration did not occur until the 1850s, following a series of gold rushes. Further waves of immigration occurred after the first and Second World Wars, with many post-World War ii migrants coming from. Europe, the, middle east, asia, pacific Islands, africa, and, latin America.
But in appearances at least, Greece is still at the negotiating table. Rather than jumping, Greece has effectively waited to be pushed out of the euro. This not only allows the blame for the resulting economic repercussions to land primarily on Angela merkel and Christine lagarde's shoulders. It also expresses the fact that Athens sees itself not as reclaiming a sovereign right to set monetary and fiscal policy surrendered with the adoption of the euro, but as asserting rights it never ceased to possess. Whatever the outcome, by calling the referendum and imposing currency controls, Athens is showing that, politically and economically, it's master in its own house. So much was foreseen by godley in 1992: It should be frankly recognized that if the depression really were to take a turn for the worse - for instance, if the unemployment rate went back up to the 20-25 per cent characteristic of the Thirties.
The only thing that could have prevented this was a federal European government, possessing the legitimate political power to transfer resources from those member states less scathed by an economic slump to those suffering more. But maastricht declined to create such a body and left responsibility for such counter-cyclical interventions to inter-governmental negotiations - which is another way of saying that it left nobody with responsibility for addressing such an eventuality that possessed the means to do anything about. That was a cruel bargain, as Godley knew. If a country or region has not power to devalue, and if it is not the beneficiary of a system of fiscal equalization, then there is nothing to stop it suffering a process of cumulative and terminal decline, leading, in the end, to emigration. Like the idea of depression-era unemployment, in 1992 those words doubtless seemed dramatic. Today, they're a fair description of reality. In the ultimate riposte to maastricht, the message from Athens is not that. Greece failed the euro, but that Greek sovereignty - and, implicitly, the sovereignty of all eu member-states - is simply incompatible with the euro. It won't thrill those sceptical about the whole european project to learn that his solution to this crisis would have been more integration, not less.
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Either way, the voice of more powerful members of the currency union - above all, germany - would count for more in its decision than that of Greece. Starting from 2010, the seat of the Greek government was thus effectively transferred from Athens to Brussels, washington and Berlin. Left in Greece itself was little more than the power to administer national policies and implement sovereign decisions homework made abroad. In Godley's words, a country in such a position "acquires the status of a local authority or a colony". For this reason, the referendum the Greek government has called for next weekend wrongly is seen as simply irresponsible or bizarrely pointless. Yes, the terms of the bailout the Greek people help are being asked to ratify or reject will have expired. Yes, the Greek government might already have failed to make its June 30 repayments.
Would indeed bring to an end the invisible sovereignty. Component nations and their power to take independent action on major issues. And this is precisely what has happened. Faced with the slump in the global economy produced by the default of us investment banks in 2008, Greece could no longer devalue its currency. On the contrary, the euro strengthened as the dollar sank. That left Athens at the mercy of the european Central Bank in Frankfurt, the sole institution created to manage the single currency. It might agree to cover Greece's mounting debts or it might not.
the euro's impact on national. Just because the euro didn't create a federal government to manage what was now to all intents and purposes a federal currency didn't mean that Europe's nation-states remained their own political and economic masters. Typically, the euro-enthusiast tells the public a nauseatingly win-win story. Nothing is being lost with European integration, just wonderful new things created. For European countries, the eu doesn't mean an undignified surrender of historically hard-won independence, but a giant bring-and-share party where, magically, european integration doesn't entail the loss of national sovereignty but simply the pooling of some of its attributes:. G., border controls, the ability to print money. (If it helps, think of Brussels as home to a giant lazy susan.). As Godley saw, however, when it comes to currency union, the bring-and-share model is an illusion. Once european governments have put their drachmas and guilders, francs, lire and marks on the common table, they then discover that they've handed over whole branches of economic and political responsibilities too. Despite supporting what he never ceased to call the "noble cause of European integration therefore, godley wasn't to be fooled: It needs to be emphasised from the start that the establishment of a single currency.
Put to the test, its entire foundation has been found wanting. The worst of it is that all this - the acrimony between Brussels, berlin and Athens; the misery induced across Greece by depression-era levels of unemployment - was not just entirely predictable but actually predicted. Anyone who subscribes to the london review of books will have noticed the reappearance over the weekend of the 1992 essay '. Maastricht and all that ' by wynne godley - a man who, according to his own biography, started his working life as a 'professional oboe player' and ended it as director of applied economics at Cambridge. Godley's was not the profile beauty of the usual eurosceptic. On the contrary, he was a strong supporter of European integration. What he objected to was its form. "It took a group of bankers he wrote in a trenchant criticism of the 1992 maastricht Treaty that set out the plan for establishing the euro, "to reach the conclusion that an independent central bank was the only supra-national institution necessary to run an integrated. This dismissal of the role of the state in the management of the economy was a proposition which Godley as a keynesian simply couldn't accept - and one which, though it became from the late 1990s gospel around the globe, displayed its deficiencies in spectacular.
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Email, photo: There has been a rush on atms in Greece in recent days. Though it became help gospel around the globe, euro-enthusiasm was always misguided. The crisis currently facing Greece shouldn't come as a surprise, writes Matthew Dal Santo. Has a greek default begun? Or is this just the european Central Bank's way of affording the country's feckless inhabitants a foretaste of what it would be like? It's too early to say. Either way, it's clear that what has failed here is not the negotiations; it's the euro itself.